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Fraternal organizations provided one response to the flow of new black arrivals and the racism they encountered. Like their counterparts for whites, these groups combined aspects of social clubs and benevolent societies. Prince Hall No. 10 was the first to open in St. Louis, followed by Lone Star No. 22 three years later and H. At the end of the Civil War, the lodges successfully petitioned their parent organization, the Ohio Grand Lodge, to create their own Grand Lodge of Missouri.
The Movement then turned its attention to lunch counters. A letter campaign led by Alderman Jasper Caston led to a city ordinance in April, 1944, desegregating lunch rooms in City Hall and all other municipal buildings. In May, the newly formed Citizens Civil Rights Commission set its sights on department store lunch counters, which were always closed to black shoppers and diners. For the most part, though, African-Americans were relegated to second-class members of the Republican Party in the decades after the Civil War. The great national exodus of black voters from the Party of Lincoln to that of Franklin Roosevelt occurred in 1932; in St. Louis politics, the process started a generation earlier.
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It held but one national convention to nominate a presidential candidate, coming to St. Louis in 1904. William T. Scott of East St. Louis and his running mate W. C. Payne of Warrenton, West Virginia, made scarcely a blip on the political screen in Theodore Roosevelt's landslide victory. Most African-American politicos felt they had better chances at influencing policy by working within the existing party system. Some displaced residents moved to The Ville, others to the area between Delmar and Natural Bridge on both sides of Grand. This shift accelerated the black migration already in progress to University City, Wellston, and Pine Lawn.
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African-Americans filled a local labor shortage in 1916 created by World War I, since European immigration came to a trickle. The same was true during World War II. Attracted by wartime production jobs such as those in the local small arms plant, the black population increased 41 percent during the war. Slavery existed and flourished alongside free blacks. African-Americans in antebellum St. Louis needed licenses to live in the city, and were banned from voting or testifying against whites in court. While a "black aristocracy" of merchants and professionals existed here by the late 1850s, their lives were far more restrictive than those of their white counterparts. Blacks were subject to housing restrictions, curfews, bans on education, and prohibition from testifying in court against whites.
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Charles Turpin became the first black in St. Louis to win public office in 1910 as constable, and re-election in 1914. It helped Walter Moore win election to the Missouri General Assembly in 1920, and Clark as the first black justice of the peace. Four years later it orchestrated election of Robert Scott as the city's first black ward committeeman. But the Grand Old Party continued to soft-pedal them. Turpin, Vaughn, Mitchell, and attorney Homer Phillips orchestrated the final bolt to the Democratic Party in St. Louis in 1934.
It taught skills readily marketed in industrial society and geared to the factory more than the office, rather than the liberal arts curriculum proposed by Washington's chief rival, NAACP co-founder W. Others worked through the legal system, hoping to find justice in the courts. Attorney Roswell Field (father of the famous children's writer Eugene Field) joined a team of lawyers in the late 1840s to represent Dred Scott, suing for his freedom. Peter Blow, Scott's owner, brought him to St. Louis in 1830, and later sold him to Dr. John Emerson at Jefferson Barracks. Emerson took him to a free state, where he married a free black named Harriet. Later he and wife moved back to the area with the doctor.
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